ماه: آوریل 2016
مرحله جدید فعالیت گشتهای طرح امنیت اخلاقی در تهران از صبح روز شنبه آغاز شد و مٱموران نیروی انتظامی پلیس با مصادیق بدپوششی، کشف حجاب در خودرو، مزاحمت برای نوامیس و… برخورد میکنند.
این نمایش پردهای نیاز به جاوااسکریپت دارد.
Political Prisoner Protests His Imprisonment and Denial of Medical Care
Prisoner of conscience Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, who has been on dry and wet hunger strikes since March 26, 2016 to protest being denied crucial medical treatment, is in critical condition, but has vowed to continue until his situation changes.
His mother, who visited Maleki in Evin Prison on April 10, said that the food and liquid deprivation has made her son, who is suffering from kidney disease, dangerously weak.
“I swear to God, Hossein looked very thin,” Zoleikha Mousavi told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. “His skin looked yellow and pale. I’m terrified that something might happen to him.”
“On Tuesday [April 12], they transferred him out of the prison to be checked by a specialist,” she told the Campaign. “The doctor said he’s in critical condition and should end his hunger strike as soon as possible.”
“But Hossein says he won’t stop until his situation changes,” added Mousavi. “If anything happens to my son, officials will be held accountable.”
Mousavi said that she and her husband, Ahmad Ronaghi Maleki, had gone to the prosecutor’s office in Tehran every day for a week but the officials refused to provide a clear solution for resolving the situation.
“After seven years in prison, I want my son to be free,” said Mousavi. “He has done enough time. He has lost one kidney and is in pain from new diseases.”
“He should be conditionally released. I beg the authorities to let my son go,” she said. “I swear to God, he is not well.”
Political prisoners in Iran are singled out for particularly harsh treatment, which often includes denial of medical care, in direct violation of Iran’s own laws and prison regulations.
While in prison, Maleki has suffered digestive track, breathing and kidney problems. He has also undergone several surgeries.
He was granted medical furlough on June 14, 2015 upon posting bail in the amount of 4 billion rials (about $132,000 USD), but was returned to prison before his treatment was completed on January 20, 2016.
“I knew he would get worse when he was taken back to prison,” said Mousavi. “Even the doctors in the prison clinic repeatedly said they don’t have the necessary facilities to treat prisoners like Hossein.”
“Isn’t seven years in prison enough for a young man?” she said.
Maleki’s father began his own hunger strike in front of Evin Prison on April 9, 2016 to bring attention to his son’s plight. But Mousavi urged her elderly husband to end his strike soon after.
“After two days, I noticed my husband was in really bad shape,” she said. “It was hot outside and he’s an old man. I begged him to end his hunger strike. I told him I would be helpless if something happened to our son in prison.”
“I gave him some water and he broke his hunger strike in front of Evin Prison,” Mousavi told the Campaign. “We don’t know what else to do to make the authorities listen.”
Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, 30, was sentenced to 15 years in prison in 2009 by Judge Yahya Pirabbasi for his peaceful activities following Iran’s widely disputed presidential election that year. He was charged with “acting against national security” and “supporting and receiving money from foreign organizations.”
Following the recent prisoner swap between Iran and the United States, which resulted in the release of four detained Iranian-Americans, Maleki’s father asked why Iranian political prisoners who don’t hold dual citizenship remained unjustly incarcerated.
“As a father I want my son to be free, too,” Ahmad Ronaghi Maleki told the Campaign in January 2016.
“All these years I have been running around shouting for my son’s freedom so that someone might hear me,” he said.
Prisoners Face Denial of Medical Care, Refusal to Transfer Inmates to Hospital despite Life Threatening Illness, Solitary Confinement Aimed at Extracting False Confessions, Poor Nutrition, Denial of Family Visits
April 14, 2016—Mohammad Seifzadeh, the prominent Iranian human rights lawyer who for years defended political prisoners in Iran and railed against the inhumane conditions of their incarceration, was freed on March 10, 2016 after serving his own five-year prison sentence, and spoke at length about the harsh conditions he experienced first-hand as a political prisoner.
Seifzadeh described the denial of medical care and critically needed hospitalization, white torture (sensory deprivation and isolation), poor nutrition, unsanitary quarters, insufficient fresh air, and denial of family visits in an extended interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. These conditions directly violate Iran’s own laws and State Prison Procedures.
“Seifzadeh’s imprisonment for defending human rights in Iran was a travesty of justice to begin with,” said Hadi Ghaemi, executive director of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, “and the conditions he and other political prisoners face are an affront to the rule of law and the most minimal standards of humane treatment.”
“President Rouhani needs to defend his citizens and confront the Judiciary over these violations,” added Ghaemi.
Seifzadeh, who was imprisoned for his work defending political prisoners in Iran, also revealed that during his detention in Ward 209 of Evin Prison in Tehran, which is controlled by the Intelligence Ministry, he was put under extreme pressure to falsely incriminate his former colleague, Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Shirin Ebadi. Seifzadeh and Ebadi were founding members of the banned Defenders of Human Rights Center.
“When that was going on, I was in solitary confinement and my blood pressure shot up…It was out of control. They took me to the General Ward 350 and I had a stroke but they didn’t say it was a stroke,” Seifzadeh told the Campaign.
Solitary confinement is a common tactic used in Iran to increase psychological pressure on a prisoner to extract a false confession, which is then used as evidence to convict.
“They didn’t give me any treatment. They didn’t even take me to the infirmary. My hands and feet gradually went numb. My hearing and vision weakened. I fell on the ground when I tried to stand,” he said. “Finally, when the official medical commission looked into [my case] much later in March 2016, it said I had suffered a stroke.”
In October 2010, Seifzadeh was sentenced to nine years in prison and banned from practicing law for 10 years for “acting against national security through establishing the Defenders of Human Rights Center.” He was arrested while on bail on April 6, 2011 for allegedly attempting to leave the country.
The Appeals Court reduced Seifzadeh’s sentence to two years in prison, but while he was serving time he was sentenced to an additional six years for writing open letters and signing political statements with other prisoners of conscience.
Seifzadeh was released after serving five years, under Article 134 of Iran’s Penal Code, which allows prisoners charged with multiple offences to only serve the maximum sentence assigned for their most serious offense.
The human rights lawyer told the Campaign that doctors from one of Tehran’s hospitals for cardiology had warned that he was at serious risk for a deadly heart attack or stroke if he remained in prison, but the authorities ignored the warning.
“I had one medical problem after the other, and eventually they illegally exiled me to Rajaee Shahr Prison [in Karaj, west of Tehran] without a judicial order,” he said.
Political prisoners in Iran are singled out for harsh treatment, which often includes denial of medical care.
“I had breathing problems while sleeping and also while I was awake,” he said. “They took me to Baharloo Hospital and I was connected to a machine, which showed that during the night I briefly stopped breathing nine times and woke up 13 times, therefore I could not have any sort of deep sleep all night.”
“I paid all the hospital bills myself,” added Seifzadeh. “It would be unthinkable for the prison authorities or the health system to pay a prisoner’s expenses. There’s no budget set aside for it. If you don’t pay the bills, you won’t get treatment on time and you don’t know if you’ll live or die.”
“Every prisoner [sent to the hospital] has three agents to watch him and is responsible for their expenses, such as meals, too,” he added.
“The clinic did not have medicines to treat anything worse than a cold, let alone high blood pressure,” he told the Campaign. “Bad nutrition and lack of vitamins weakened the prisoners.”
“Fruits and vegetables are non-existent,” continued Seifzadeh. “Some of us prepared our own food. We gave a list of things we needed and they would buy it for us from outside at our own expense. But there were also those who only ate prison food,” he said. “Two days a week there was stew and on other days it was only rice and soybean oil, which was greasy and unhealthy.”
“The cells had no ventilation,” Seifzadeh said. “In Evin Prison, the cell doors opened at a quarter to seven in the morning and you could take in fresh air until sunset, but in Rajaee Shahr we could only stay outside for three hours.”
He added that “the prison was not in any condition to hold that many prisoners,” and that they “used sub-standard detergents and as a result many of the prisoners developed skin allergies.”
Seifzadeh also told the Campaign that the interference waves aimed at disrupting mobile phones from functioning inside the prison were so strong that they caused many prisoners to suffer headaches and nausea. “I think it was a factor in my strokes as well,” he said.
The prisoners’ living quarters would also be subjected to occasional raids. “[In Rajaee Shahr Prison] they would conduct illegal searches to look for mobile phones…Having a mobile phone is not illegal, but they don’t want prisoners to give interviews to anyone outside the prison, so they would grab the mobiles,” he said.
“Often times, both the prisoner and his family suffer injustice,” said Seifzadeh. “In our case, [political prisoners] were not only arrested illegally, but also subjected to unfair trials.”
He noted the prisoners in Rajaee Shahr Prison were only allowed one 20-minute family visit per month. However, Seifzadeh was denied family visits for most of his own prison term, keeping with the harsher conditions that political prisoners are subjected to in Iran.
“Many of the Rajaee Shahr and Evin Prison inmates are from different cities. They should be sent to prisons near their families,” Seifzadeh said. “There were several instances when family members got into road accidents, and even died, on their way to prison visits.”
Hundreds of political prisoners remain in Iranian jails, some dating back to the widely disputed 2009 presidential election in Iran that ended with a violent state crackdown on peaceful protestors. Many Iranians have urged President Rouhani to follow through on his campaign promise of freeing political prisoners.
صندوق بینالمللی پول در تازهترین گزارش خود گفته است که نرخ بیکاری در ایران امسال و سال آینده افزایش پیدا خواهد کرد.
این نهاد بینالمللی در این گزارش، نرخ بیکاری در ایران در سال ۲۰۱۵ را ۱۰ و دهم ۸ درصد خوانده و گفته است امسال این نرخ به ۱۱ و ۳ دهم و در سال آینده به ۱۱ و ۶ دهم افزایش پیدا خواهد کرد.
صندوق بینالمللی پول در گزارش تازه خود که امروز ۱۲ آوریل منتشر شده، بار دیگر گفته است که انتظار بهبود قابل توجهی در اقتصاد جهان در سال ۲۰۱۶ نمیرود.
این نهاد مالی بین المللی در مورد رشد اقتصاد ایران که سال پیش صفر درصد بود گفته است که به دنبال لغو تحریمهای هستهای ایران، پیشبینی میشود رشد اقتصادی ایران امسال به چهار درصد و سال بعد به ۳ و ۷ دهم درصد برسد.
صندوق بین المللی پول در باره ایران پیش بینی کرده که تراز حساب جاری ایران که در سال ۲۰۱۵ چهار دهم درصد تولید ناخالص داخلی بود، امسال به منفی ۸ دهم درصد و سال آینده به صفر درصد برسد.
تراز حساب جاری شامل تراز صادرات و واردات کالا و خدمات و تراز سرمایهگذاری است.
این صندوق پیشبینی سابق خود از اقتصاد جهان را بار دیگر تغییر داده و گفته است که رشد اقتصاد جهان امسال ۳ و ۲ دهم درصد خواهد بود.
این برای دومین بار در سال جاری است که صندوق بینالمللی پول، پیشبینی خود از رشد اقتصادی جهان را کاهش میدهد.
کریستین لاگارد، رئیس صندوق بینالمللی پول، اخیرا گفته بود که سال ۲۰۱۶ برای رشد اقتصاد جهان سالی ناامیدکننده خواهد بود.
جنگ داخلی سوریه و بحران پناهجویان و انقباض اقتصادی در کشورهای با اقتصاد نوظهور مانند برزیل از دلایل این وضع هستند.
صبح امروز حکم اعدام دستکم هفت محکوم به اعدام (قصاص) در زندان رجاییشهر کرج به اجرا درآمد. همچنان از سرنوشت یک زندانی دیگر اطلاعی در دست نیست.
حکم اعدام دست کم هفت تن از محکومین به قصاص در زندان رجاییشهر کرج که روز دوشنبه، جهت اجرای حکم به سلولهای انفرادی زندان منتقل شدند، صبح امروز اجرا شد.
اسامی هفت زندانی اعدام شده عبارت است از عیاد محمدی، محمد زارعی، مهدی حق شناس، جواد صادقی، مصطفی اجلالی، محمد جواد مظفری، حسین معین فر (معینی).
بنابر گزارشات دریافتی هرانا، مهدی کاهه از زندانیان منتقل شده برای اجرای حکم اعدام با اخذ رضایت اولیای دم از اعدام نجات یافت با اینحال از سرنوشت یک زندانی دیگر به نامهای حمزه دولت آبادی که به همراه سایر زندانیانبرای اجرای حکم اعدام منتقل شده بودند اطلاعی در دست نیست.
شایان ذکر است، چندی پیش سازمان عفو بین الملل طی گزارشی اعلام کرد سال ۲۰۱۵ بالاترین میزان اعدام در دنیا در ۲۵ سال گذشته بوده است و نام ایران در کنار پاکستان و عربستان به عنوان کشورهای دارای بالاترین آمار اعدام اعلام شد.
سعید بومدوها مدیر بخش خاورمیانه و شمال افریقا سازمان عفو بین الملل در بیانیه دیگری در مورد اعدام رشید کوهی گفته بود:” اعدام قریب الوقوع رشید کوهی بعد از چند روز که ایران دومین کشور دارای آمار بالای اعدام در گزارش سالانه عفو بین الملل در سال ۲۰۱۵ معرفی شد، بیانگر آن است که مقامات ایران تصمیم دارند روند هولناک اعدام ها در ایران را به همین منوال ادامه دهند.”
Status of Case and Charges against Her Remain Unknown
Concern is growing for the well-being of newspaper columnist Afarin Chitsaz, who has been imprisoned incommunicado since her arrest on November 2, 2015.
“Unfortunately, we have no information about her situation and we don’t even know why she hasn’t gotten a lawyer during these past five months,” a source told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. “All we know is that she is in Evin Prison and her family is not sharing information about her.”
Chitsaz was arrested on November 2, 2015 by the Revolutionary Guards’ Intelligence Organization, which arrested three other journalists, Issa Saharkhiz, Ehsan Mazandarani, and Saman Safarzaie, that same day. Another journalist, Davoud Assadi, was also apprehended around the same time but the exact circumstances of his arrest are unknown.
Mahmoud Alizadeh Tabatabaee, the attorney for three of the five detained journalists, told the reformist Shargh newspaper on April 4, 2016 that he had no information about Chitsaz.
Evin Prison currently holds close to 30 female political prisoners in its Women’s Ward. Chitsaz, however, is one of the few female political prisoners at Evin whose exact whereabouts are unknown—she is believed to be held in the Revolutionary Guards’ Intelligence Organization’s Ward 2-A at Evin. There is also no information regarding the charges under which Chitsaz is being held.
In recent months, journalists in Iran have been increasingly targeted by security forces associated with political hardliners opposed to the administration of President Hassan Rouhani. Chitsaz had published columns in the Iran newspaper, the official publication of the Rouhani administration.
Mazandarani, Safarzaie and Assadi are awaiting sentencing after being put on trial in late March 2015 at Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court presided by Judge Mohammad Moghisseh. They have been charged with “propaganda against the state,” “insulting the supreme leader,” and “collusion against national security.”
The prominent reformist journalist Issa Saharkhiz has been charged with “spreading lies and insulting the Judiciary chief” in addition to “propaganda against the state,” “insulting the supreme leader,” and “collusion against national security.” He has experienced serious health issues while awaiting his trial and was hospitalized on March 9, 2016 after being denied timely health care.
The interrogator in the case involving the journalists “has not found any evidence pointing to espionage” and the charges primarily stem from the articles they wrote for the Paris-based reformist news website Rooz Online, said Tabatabaee.
The Revolutionary Guards’ Intelligence Organization, which claimed responsibility for the journalists’ arrests, had accused them of being members of an “American and British infiltration network,” on November 3, 2015.
Ahmad Khatami, a hardline member of Iran’s Assembly of Experts, claimed in a speech on November 30, 2015 that the arrested journalists had made confessions, including collaboration with the U.S. Alleged “confessions,” frequently forced, are a frequent tactic used to discredit, and later convict, political prisoners in Iran.
That same month, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, suggested on November 10, 2015 that the journalists would be released soon.
“It seems these friends [the arrested journalists] don’t have a problem,” he said. “They were told that what they did was wrong and they have accepted it, although some of them said they were not aware [that they were doing anything wrong].”
تصاویری از تهران در ماههای نخست بعد از انقلاب اسلامی بهمن ۱۳۵۷؛ زمانی که هنوز حجاب و پوشش اجباری نشده بود.
فیلم فوق العاده جالبی از دوران کوتاه آزادی حجاب در ایران پس از انقلاب. برگرفته از یک مستند آلمانی.